China and Africa
African countries (or rather their leaders) really like dealing with China, since it does not try to 'interfere' and ask awkward questions about human rights, unlike the US and European countries.
Miners from the Donbass region are reportedly being bussed in to sort out these pansy urban liberals. (Something very similar happened to keep Ceausescu's successors in power in Romania.)Ah, the miners from the Donbass. We haven't heard about them since the days when Peter Franks of Essex University was C4 News tame expert on the collapse of the Soviet Union. The miners in Romania, however, and the country is set to join the EU in a few years.
Yet until Tuesday, many west Europeans probably did not even know that there was a presidential election going on in Ukraine.Even if we knew there was an election going on, we probably thought that people would acquiesce in a rigged result, as in Belarus or Russia itself. Nobody anticipated the public's level of opposition to that.
What's at stake is not just the future of Ukraine: whether it turns to Europe, the west and liberal democracy, or back to authoritarianism and Putin's Russia. It's also the future of Russia itself, and therewith of the whole of Eurasia. A Russia that wins back Ukraine, as well as Belarus, will again be an imperial Russia, as Putin wishes.It cannot be overstated how disastrous the Yukos affair will be for Russia : to add to Putin's near monopoly of the media, which means that elections can hardly be fair, you then have the use of the legal system to persecute opponents.
I will find somewhere else ... far away from anything near the Middle East, Arab or Muslim.Sunday Times, 21 Nov 2004
The 2 French journalists who have now been held hostage for more than 100 days may now be in Iran, according to Melanie Phillips.
Update (1 Dec) : According to C4 News this evening, the Foreign Office have said that dental records show that body that was found was not that of Margaret Hassan.
Update (30 Nov). Somebody from El Pais, speaking on BBC Radio 4 last night, said that the atmosphere had been poisoned in the last 18 months : politicians had crossed lines they had not crossed before, calling each other 'criminals' and so on.A public protest outside the Spanish parliament coincided with Mr Aznar's appearance. Its organisers said they were sickened by the Madrid bombings perpetually being used as a political football.
Mr Sarkozy, by contrast, has no time for tradition for tradition's sake. In an enlarged Europe, he argues that France can no longer rely on the Franco-German motor and needs to cultivate a group of six that also includes Britain, Spain, Italy and Poland. Atlantic-minded, he urges a milder approach to America. He advocates an overhaul of the French social model, pushing for less state regulation and a more flexible labour market; his inspirations are Britain and Spain, not moribund Germany. He considers that the French model of integration has failed French Muslims, and argues for American-style social engineering to help minorities advance. In short, where Mr Chirac urges caution and conservatism, Mr Sarkozy presses for modernisation and change. “France is not eternal,” says one of his aides. “If it does not reform, it will disappear.”( 'The changing of the guard', The Economist, Nov 25th 2004)
The learning chain of Europe's velvet revolutions is fascinatingly direct. One of the most active groups in Ukraine's democratic opposition is called Pora. Pora means "It's time", which is exactly what the crowds chanted on Wenceslas Square in Prague in November 1989. The student activists of Pora received personal tutorials in non-violent resistance from Serbian students of the Otpor ("resistance") group who were in the vanguard of toppling Milosevic. Those same Serbs also helped the Georgian vanguard movement Kmara ("enough is enough"). On Tuesday, a Georgian flag was seen waving on Independence Square in Kiev. In Tbilisi, the rose-revolutionary Georgian president Mikhail Saakashvili interrupted his first anniversary address to speak a few words of encouragement, in Ukrainian, to his "sisters and brothers" in Kiev. Now the Ukrainian opposition has asked Lech Walesa, once the leader of Solidarity, that Polish mother of all east European peaceful revolutions, to come to Kiev and mediate.'Freedom's front line', Timothy Garton Ash writing Wednesday. I could also highlight the remark that 'shamingly, Americans probably have done more to support the democratic opposition in Ukraine, and to shine a spotlight on electoral malpractices, than west Europeans have' or note that, in contrast to their attitude towards, erm, a certain Middle Eastern country, 'liberals' have regained their passion and their principles here. But that is being churlish. TGA's article says some very obvious but very important things. Read the whole thing.
I have seen revolutions in the Philippines and the former Soviet Republic of Georgia. The dynamics on the streets are fascinating to watch. The way the crowds build until they reach a critical mass, so large that almost nothing can stop them. The mass senses it has enough power to face down the state. You can feel it in the air. In Kiev on Friday that tipping point had almost been reached.From Our Own Correspondent - Kiev's shifting sea of orange
that idea that politicians can change the world would be laughed at. Of course there is massive social and economic progress, but it is no longer perceived as having been produced by politicians.Surely the real criticism of this is that it ignores the world outside 'the West'. Politicians may no longer seek to impose their vision on society, but they can still damage society. Corruption and lack of political accountability in Africa, the Middle East and so on seemingly do not exist outside of Curtis' bubble.
On rooftops and in the streets [of Sadr City] there are many Shia flags, mostly green and black. ... The green ones are for Ali and his martyrdom. The black ones are for al-Mahdi and the hope of his return. Black is the colour of Shia optimism.And guess who's still exercising great influence behind the scenes.
Iraqis know that [Ahmed] Chalabi is the one man alive without whom Saddam would still be their ruler. And from the moment of Saddam's fall, just as leading up to it, Chalabi has done everything right. He has publicly (if not necessarily privately) fallen out with Washington over a featherweight intelligence stink involving Iran. The world has watched the Allawi government vandalise his house and issue a ludicrous arrest warrant accusing him of counterfeiting Iraq's worthless old currency. Shortly before I last spoke to Chalabi, he had survived an ambush that killed two of his guards at Mahmudiya in the Bermuda triangle.
Saddam, Washington, Allawi, the Sunnis: Chalabi has the right enemies. When I pointed this out to him at his house in Baghdad last month he laughed and said: "That's not a bad thing."
Violent argument is the essence of vital democracy.To be taken rather more seriously was Jonathan Dimbleby's 'New World War' on ITV. This at least focused on the 'root causes', such as the dire poverty in the world. In building his argument, Dimbleby interviews a couple of 'neo-conservatives', who say that the war on terror is being won, since terrorists are being killed or captured. It is amusing to contrast this attempt to show that the neo-cons are minimizing the threat from terror with the much-trailed 'Power of Nightmares', which shows that the neo-cons have exaggerated, if not invented, the threat from terror; but in a sense it is not so important to show in what way the neo-cons are deluded, merely that they are deluded.
The Clinton administration's approach has its advantages: If priorities and intent are not clear, they cannot be criticized. ...Greg rightly highlights Condi's remarks on Iran, but Danielle Pletka at the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs would be a nightmare beyond all belief. One sample :
Humanitarian problems are rarely only humanitarian problems; the taking of life or withholding of food is almost always a political act. If the United States is not prepared to address the underlying political conflict and to know whose side it is on, the military may end up separating warring parties for an indefinite period.
Iran, after all, is Terror Central: It has become an operational headquarters for parts of Al Qaeda, continues to sponsor Hezbollah and Hamas...Powell at least managed to sort out one small thing.
how can we measure world opinion? Is this what the foreign ministers say? Or what the people in the streets of Berlin, Paris, and London think? Or is it what people in the State Department say people around the world think?It may not be measurable, but the anti-US sentiment in Europe is palpable and undeniable, both in peoples and in their governments; and the media, whether reflecting that or leading it, is the same. Try looking at (the websites of) The Guardian, Le Monde or El Pais, depending on your language skills, for example.
...
But if we did [have legitimacy], it was not because other nations believed that we were acting within structural constraints on our power. It is because they liked what we did.
This urge to protect people from themselves also underlies Sweden's most famous exercise in social control - the alcohol monopoly. ... Mollycoddling, Swedish-style, seems to work.
The president must remember that the military is a special instrument. It is lethal, and it is meant to be. It is not a civilian police force.So, perhaps Mitchell was a prototype neo-conservative, with a Straussian concern for the breakdown of the moral order in the West, wondering how many varieties of LSD people back home were on, as the country became a 3rd, 4th, 5th, however many-th, rate power.
"We may fight in self-defence, but if you are unarmed we cannot shoot you. If we take you prisoner, and then if we cannot provide food and drink, we must release you. Whatever we do, we must treat you as a human being." ...There wasn't much on the website either about William Dalrymple's 'The Sufi and the Shrine' broadcast on BBC Radio 3 , 31 Oct.
"This 11 September, this has damaged us deeply. This was NOT Islam," he says: "Our religion is peace and respect. Salaam aleikum means peace be upon you."
And he says it is about respect for all humanity.
For example: "If you are by a stream, you must take only the water that you need, so that others may share it and," he adds, warming to his theme, "if you are hunting, you must never hunt for pleasure, only to provide food that you really need."
...
"Ramadan is very important not only for our health. It is so that we can feel what it is really like to be poor and hungry and thirsty.
"Islam is a religion for the people, and that," he concludes, "is why nearly all Arab governments do not like true Islam, because it requires them to share their wealth, and to be equal with the people, and that they do not want."
I didn't shell out the £2.50 either, but I have the following comments to make : Ireland, if you cut through the rhetoric about British imperialism (as with that about US imperialism in Iraq now) was about a (protestant) minority trying to impose its dominance.
Similarly, in Iraq now it is very clear that the situation is one of a Sunni minority trying to regain power by the most ruthless means. It's like the dog that didn't bark, but the media has hardly taken note that, in contrast to April, there is no uprising against 'the occupation' in the south by the Shi'a. One exception was Johann Haris's column the other day. He notes, among other things, that 'there hasn't been a single Shia suicide bomber in Iraq so far'. One might add that neither has there been any executions of foreign hostages by the Shi'a.
What would have happened if the British had faced down the 'Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right' brigade, whether more would have been killed then than in the actual course of events, is something you could discuss for a long time ; but at least the 1922 partition was feasible, if debatable. In Iraq, you could take the Kurds out (though Turkey objects), but how would you separate the Sunnis and the Shi'a ? What would you do with Baghdad, for example ?
So, a unitary Iraq remains the only option, one in which the Shi'a and the Kurds exercise power commensurate with their majority status, something that was denied them to one degree or another since the British dispensation of 1921 and before, but to a total extent and with increasing repression since 1979. I don't go along with people like Robin Cook who say it was only the invasion that brought al Qaeda style terrorism, since the oppression of the Shi'a in practice in Saddam-era Iraq and the theological hatred of the Shi'a in extreme Wahhabism indicate a fundamental identity.
So, it's not so much a case of 'democratic imperialism', but simply a case of majority rule. That for me is the, if you like, 'emotional' case for the war.
It's obvious that the US has made major mistakes in the reconstruction effort and not having enough troops on the ground to control the situation. What is not helpful is much of the 'liberal' media cheerleading when the insurgents pop up elsewhere, attacking police stations or murdering Iraqi civilians and terrorizing them ; or all the controversy about the deployment of British troops to support the US operation to re-establish control of Falluja. People are entitled to their opinion, of course, but we are facing, as I said, a determined and ruthless enemy who takes advantage of any weakness in a democratic society. They have already influenced the result of the election in Spain. If 'every terrorist for miles around' is attracted to attack British troops in the north, it is precisely because of that political pressure against the deployment. (*)
The presence of international forces does not have to be long-lived - that will depend on the Iraqi people and government - but it has to be effective in containing terrorist activity.
In the absence of a serious WMD threat - and it's clear now that the pre-war intelligence only allowed for preventative war by making patently unreasonable 'worst case' assumptions - there was no 'national security' case for war. The war, at best, was pre-emptive, which is illegal for sound reasons.If Saddam Hussein did not inform his generals until December 2002 that Iraq had no WMD (see), it is hardly surprising that American and British intelligence concluded that he was in possession of them. There was both the moral justifications and the usual foreign policy motives - dealing with someone who was a threat to yourself or allied countries.There was a humanitarian case, to be sure, but this is occluded if the 1000,000 dead estimate is correct. (Marc Mulholland, What if The Lancet is Correct? )
To return to the central question of the '100,000 dead', you can say that the cause is the US/UK invasion. You can also say that the cause is the ruthlessness of a minority to exercise power. I could talk about the multiplicity in the causality of events, but that sounds like pretentious crap.
Notes :
(*) Just a word about Hungary : I happened to catch some of a piece
on The World @ One on Friday. George (Lord) Robertson has apparently
written an article in The Wall Street Journal about the lily-livered
attitude of some European countries. I did feel a little sorry though for
the Hungarian Foreign Minister who, presented with this by the BBC interviewer,
patiently explained that they wanted to do everything they could to help,
but under their constitution they needed a two-thirds majority to extend
the deployment of their 300 troops.
Sarkozy is opposed to the headscarf ban. Dominique de Villepin, who Chirac is grooming as a rival, is in favour, according to The Times, Thursday. Alain Madelin spoke after the US election of excessive anti-Americanism in France. He is sympathetic towards Sarkozy. 'Most liberals do not recognize themselves in Chirac's policies. ...Because of its anti-liberalism, the French right is more and more isolated in Europe. He cites as examples of this anti-liberalism, the 35-hour week, an unprecedented rise in the minimum wage, the use of subsidies to combat délocalisation (the loss of jobs to foreign competition). He also opposes the entry of Turkey into the EU (Le Figaro, 14 Sep).
Afghanistan, then and now : elections to the Wolesi Jirgah (House of the People) in 1965 were by universal suffrage of all Afghans over the age of 20. Women were allowed to vote. 6 women candiadates stood and 4 were elected (Griffiths, P148 , 2001 ed.)
Nothing much to add to previous comments, except that the name of Marwan Barghouti continues to be mentioned.
Update : Israel has re-arrested Mordechai Vanunu.
The temptation is almost blinding from now on, but Europeans have to be careful not to make anti-Americanism their ideology. … Not that Europe has to have a defence budget as gargantuan as the Pentagon’s, but as long as they consider the least increase in the military budget as a social regression, nothing will change. To be credible when one wishes to regulate the use of force, it is necessary to possess some.Elsewhere they carry a translation of Timothy Garton Ash’s piece from The Guardian, one from Niall Ferguson and Ron Suskind’s article from The New York Times Magazine of 17 Oct.We have to recognize that the incredible dynamism of the US economy is due in part to its ability to integrate waves of immigration. While Europe, which is ageing, thinks only of closing its borders.
Who would be able to understand a French ‘no’ vote to that minimum vital element which is the European constitution? … Since the fall of the Wall, it is not the European model that has arisen, but a different one, one that mixes economic liberty with moral surveillance. For that not to be one day our model, let the American vote at least be for us an electric shock.
They also quote Michael Ledeen as saying (on Iran) ‘We will not get anywhere as long as Colin Powell is Secretary of State’. (Obviously this has suffered a double translation).’
Still, Le Monde makes a change from the increasingly infantile Guardian, say.
There is no intrinsic link between the two. The Daily Mail is hardly a supporter of the Iraq war, but its front-page headline following the Bush victory trumpets the triumph of ‘the moral majority’. Bush did not invade Iraq to advance Christianity or to destroy Islam or secular values (Update (11 Nov) : in spite of the occasional reference to a 'crusade').
Yet Bush’s win came from those two streams – support for the war and concern for ‘moral values’.
I don’t buy into the idea that Christian fundamentalism in an America under Bush is a mirror image of Islamic fundamentalism. That is totally overplayed. The ‘decadence’ that so disgusted that Muslim Brothers figure on a visit to the US in the 1940’s has hardly been rolled back or likely to be to any great extent. The last I heard, there were no religious police persecuting women for ‘immodest’ dress. Courts in various states continue to strike down archaic laws forbidding consensual acts between adults in private. Compare the situation in even a ‘moderate’ Arab country like Egypt. So there is no homosexual marriage, although some states permit civil unions.
Also, the laws on abortion are somewhat less than ‘liberal’ in many countries of Catholic Europe; and it is entirely possible that the evangelicals will be disappointed by Bush as they were by Reagan after 1980 (see C4’s ‘God Bless America : with God on Our Side’, 30 Oct).
Still, what many worry about is the trend: where Spain introduces civil unions, the US goes in the opposite direction. The ‘Right’ then can best be understood as defining itself in opposition to part at least of what is called ‘the Left’ in Europe and ‘liberal’ in America, the attitude that is encapsulated in that old sixties slogan ‘make love not war’.
Sarko made quite a good impression, arguing for tolerance. Secularism is not only about allowing people to practise no religion, but also about allowing those who so wish to practise their religion, whether Christianity, Judaism or Islam. Somebody else points out that the law of 1905 was to prevent the Catholic church from dominating French society, which is hardly a threat now. It is now being used to justify measures against the perceived threat of Islamic fundamentalism (i.e. the ban on ‘the veil’).
Sarkozy is quite sympathetic towards religion and he prays sometimes, but neither makes confession, nor takes communion (Est-ce que tu communies ? – Non). He says that for many people what was shocking about Leon Blum becoming Prime Minister in 1936 was not that he was of the Left, but that he was a Jew. Since the holocaust it has not been possible for anti-semitism to be expressed so openly, but it did not go away. That was why, as interior minister, he acted so firmly against any expressions of anti-semitism during the demonstrations about Iraq.
He says we have to believe that being a Muslim is compatible with being part of the Republic. The alternative is to ‘put them all on boats’, as Le Pen argues.
The couple of channels that are covering it on French TV are getting excited. Il faut être prudent, bien sûr, mais it seems that Kerry is going to win. (Update (11 Nov) The guests, including Pascal Lamy and Pierre Moscovici of the PS, say some quite sensible things.) Meanwhile, BBC World is steadfastly covering other things.
6:00 (CET) : Kerry needs to win Ohio, but it looks like Bush is ahead there.
So, it’s back to explaining the incomprehensible: how can Bush have won in spite of Iraq, in spite of the deficit etc, etc.
A programme on France5/ Arte about US foreign policy (part 3), by someone who later recommends Emmanuel Todd’s book, points out the paradox: all the potential flash points – from Chechnya to the Middle East, to the Maghreb (North Africa) and the Balkans – are closer to Europe than they are to America. Yet Europe reduces its military spending while the US’ continues to increase.
But, in that brief moment when it looked like Kerry might win, it was time to reflect; time to realise that Kerry’s victory would not resolve all the problems, that even under him the US would continue to have a foreign policy in its own interest, like any other nation; time to stop demonising Bush, time to stop blaming the US for everything. It was time for Europe to look at its own problems, time, in brief, to wake up.
No common threat? Apart from Islamic terrorism, that is.
Three of the most reliable sources, the best, but it is necessary to read all 3 to get as clear a picture as possible. It was also claimed in BBC interviews that the estimate of 100,000 excess deaths was 'conservative' and it could be double that if Falluja were taken into account. So, 100,000 extra deaths in a city of 300,000, where the civilian deaths from the assault in April were previously thought to be 800 ?
They had someone else on the BBC a week or so ago, I can't remember who, and the story went something like this : the US marines failed to take Falluja in April and handed control over to the Falluja Brigade, composed of ex-Ba'athists, who promptly handed themselves and their weapons etc over to the insurgents.
Two points need to be made. First, while it is clear that the Falluja Brigade had melted away or gone over by the end of August, they did not surrender immediately. Having taken control on 1 May, they were still there in mid-June.
There is a battle going on for Falluja's soul right now, and it is not clear who is winning. ... Falluja is still a shaky place. In the second week of June, a Falluja Brigade camp was shelled by insurgents, and 12 members of the brigade were wounded.Secondly, the man in charge of the Falluja Brigade, Muhammad Latif, might have been an ex-Ba'athist, but he was one who fell from favour in July 1979.
Two weeks after Hussein became president, Latif was arrested and jailed as part of a group of 30 officers and civilians accused of trying to plot a coup. Hussein's henchmen snapped both of his arms while he was in prison; ('The Re-Baathification of Falluja', The New York Times , June 20, 2004)Greg Djerejian makes a good point in Revisiting the Tora Bora Meme :
In Iraq, and little noted of late, Bush has successfully mitigated the perils of having to grapple with two insurgencies simultaneously...We are now, therefore, free to focus like a laser on the key Sunni insurgent strongholds--with a battle for Fallujah looming shortly.
L'élection présidentielle du 2 novembre aux Etats-Unis ne nous concerne pas. ...cette élection n'aura aucune conséquence sur notre destin d'Européens. Aucune. Quel que soit le président élu, en effet, il fera la même politique étrangère en Irak, en Iran, en Corée du Nord et à l'égard de l'Europe. Une politique conforme aux intérêts exclusifs des Etats-Unis, ce qui est son rôle. Et, si nous voulons influer sur ce que sera la politique américaine, il ne faut pas tenter de convaincre nos partenaires de changer de vision du monde. Il faut que nous changions, pour qu'il soit dans leur intérêt de nous prendre au sérieux et d'aligner, au moins en partie, leurs objectifs sur les nôtres.Conclusion :
Nous agissons comme si nous voulions surtout ne pas être acteurs de l'Histoire, pour ne pas avoir à être désignés comme des responsables, ou des boucs émissaires, du chaos environnant. Comme si nous pensions que l'inaction constituait notre meilleure protection contre les représailles. ...Btw, it's 'le bourbier irakien' : that's a bog or quagmire. A bouc émissaire is a scapegoat.Bien sûr, je sais que c'est là le millième plaidoyer en faveur d'une identité politique européenne, pour la mise en place des institutions prévues par la Constitution, pour l'élaboration de choix clairs, appuyés par des moyens crédibles. Mais ce n'est pas parce qu'on le répète que c'est faux. Et c'est justement parce qu'il faut le répéter que c'est particulièrement urgent.
De l'Amérique, ne rien attendre , Jacques Attali, L'Express du 01/11/2004